Disclaimer – Domestic abuse is a devastating reality that affects both men and women. Nothing in this article seeks to diminish or ignore the experiences of men who also suffer violence at home. However, the statistics and commentary referenced here – particularly from the Irish Examiner and related studies – focus on women and children.
For that reason, this piece keeps its analysis within that scope, while fully acknowledging that abuse in any form, against any person, is unacceptable.
Key Takeaways
| Issue | Impact | Proposed Solution |
|---|---|---|
| Housing crisis & domestic violence | Women & children trapped in abusive homes with no alternatives | Rapid expansion of refuge spaces nationwide |
| Lack of long-term housing | Survivors forced back into dangerous environments | State-backed trauma-informed housing and rental guarantees |
| Sex-for-rent exploitation | Predatory landlords abusing desperation | Criminalise the practice with clear definitions and enforceable penalties |
| Landlord fears of false claims | Risk of discrimination against single mothers and vulnerable women | Clear evidence thresholds + landlord protections in law |
| Wider housing dysfunction | Spirals of homelessness and coercion | Stronger State intervention in zoning, funding, and supports |
Domestic violence is sadly a persistent societal problem, but the housing crisis has undeniably made it worse for many vulnerable women and children trapped in abusive homes.
The Irish Examiner made the case bluntly: the explosion in violence against women is not occurring in a vacuum. It is directly tied to the lack of safe housing, the shortage of refuge spaces, and a political system that has so far failed to treat this issue with the urgency it demands.
If we are honest, no society can ever fully eradicate domestic violence. Human cruelty and control will always find ways to surface. But that does not mean we should stand by and allow it to happen.
This post briefly examines the Irish Examiner’s article’s central points, and its solutions around expanding refuge spaces and criminalising sex-for-rent exploitation in a way that protects both survivors and landlords.
1. The Crisis in Numbers.
The Examiner editorial highlights the below figures:
- 45% rise in homeless women between 2022 and 2024 (National Women’s Council).
- 52% of Irish women estimated to experience sexual violence in their lifetime (CSO 2023).
This is not simply a trend. It is a cycle in which women are trapped in violent households and denied safe refuge.
2. The Housing–Violence Connection
The connection between the housing shortage and the rise in domestic violence is clear:
- Sex Exploitation risks arise – The shortage has opened the door to predatory practices like sex-for-rent – especially towards migrant women, which adds another damning layer of abuse tied directly to the housing market.
- Trapped by lack of options – When safe and affordable housing is scarce, women and children often have no realistic escape route from abusive homes.
- Refuge spaces are limited – Ireland still falls short of the number of refuge places recommended under the Istanbul Convention. The convention requires 1 family place for every 10,000 of population, which means Ireland needs over 500 family refuge places. Ireland provides less than 30% as of 2024.
- Abuse through housing insecurity – Abusers can use the threat of homelessness (“you’ll have nowhere to go”) as a powerful tool of control.
This is why the rise in domestic violence is not merely a social services issue.
It is a housing policy issue at its centre.
Expanding Refuge Spaces – The First Line of Defence.
Ireland should have at least one refuge space per 10,000 people under the Istanbul Convention. That translates to over 500 spaces. In reality, Ireland has fewer than 180.
This means women and children fleeing violent homes are turned away every single day.
The consequence?
Many go back to their abuser. Others face the streets. And we need to make sure neither option should exists.
What Needs to Be Done
- MORE SUBSTANTIAL STATE FUNDING FOR BOTH REFUGE CENTRES & STAFF.
Secure long-term funding to build and staff refuges nationwide. In the last year, counties like Wexford, Kerry and Meath have either opened or have commited to expanding domestic violence refuges in their communities.
- Budget 2025 allocated €67 million to Cuan (the state agency for domestic, sexual, and gender-based violence). But unfortunately, this figure is not nearly enough. Gov.ie
- There’s a strong case to be made for the pay, conditions, and wellbeing of staff working in domestic violence refuges. Without them, these facilities are just buildings.
- Refuge workers are often exposed to high-intensity trauma day after day. The burnout rate is high, especially where staff feel underpaid or unsupported.
2. REFUGE CENTRES SHOULD BE AVAILABLE IN EVERY COUNTY
- According to reports, nine counties have no domestic violence refuge centres at all – Carlow, Cavan, Laois, Leitrim, Longford, Monaghan, Offaly, Roscommon, and Sligo!
- Guarantee refuge availability in all counties, as it will help reduce the injustice where survivors are forced to either return to abusers or become homeless.
3. LONG TERM TRAUMA-INFORMED DESIGN
Even when refuges work, they are only temporary. Survivors need long-term options or they risk cycling back into danger.
Solutions include:
- Trauma-informed social housing units – with supports for those leaving abuse or sex work.
- State-backed rent guarantees – The Rent Supplement Protocol exists for domestic abuse victims but may need to be revised.
- Ring-fenced allocations – For example, if the government provides €10 million to expand refuge spaces, a “ring-fenced allocation” of €3 million might be specifically reserved for staff pay and training. That €3 million cannot be redirected to building costs, admin, etc.
Criminalising Sex-for-Rent Exploitation.
Perhaps the ugliest symptom of the housing crisis is sex-for-rent exploitation. Predatory landlords exploit women’s desperation by demanding sexual favours in exchange for accommodation.
Why Is Criminalisation Essential?
- It is predatory, vile and dehumanising in ways that destroy personal dignity, the soul and leaves lasting trauma.
- It is coercive violence disguised as tenancy.
- It thrives primarily because of housing scarcity!
Considerations for the State When Criminalising Sex-For-Rent.
Clearly, criminalising sex-for-rent exploitation is vital, but if the law is not designed carefully, I worry that it could unintentionally make vulnerable women even more locked out of the rental market.
For example, criminalising sex-for-rent could make more landlords even more reluctant to rent to single mothers, migrant women or women with unstable incomes. They could fear the possibility, however rare, of false accusations or legal complications.
Even well-intentioned landlords might decide it’s safer to exclude these tenants entirely, which would leave vulnerable women with even fewer housing options.
The challenge, therefore, is to design legislation that firmly outlaws exploitation while also providing safeguards that prevent landlords from feeling the need to discriminate.
Here are a few ways legislation could strike a balance:
1. Define the Offence Clearly.
It is very important that the offence is defined by law in clear, unambiguous terms – for example, ”any request, demand, offer, or acceptance of sexual acts as a condition of rent, tenancy, or access to housing”.
This ensures predators cannot hide behind informal “arrangements” or claim it was consensual when the power imbalance clearly strips away real choice.
2. Define the ‘Acceptable Evidence’ Threshold.
This one is delicate, as I honestly have never been a victim of domestic abuse myself or dealt with the responsibilities of being a landlord. So I can only sympathise, but I cannot truly empathise.
So for the sake of fairness, I feel that prosecutions should proceed only when there is credible supporting evidence – such as text messages, emails, recorded offers, or witness/character testimony.
This protects survivors from the impossible burden of proof, while also protecting landlords from the risk of malicious and/or baseless accusations.
3. Broader Reporting Mechanism
Victims should be able to report to specialist housing and domestic violence services, not only the Gardaí.
This approach could the reduce fear of stigma and ensures that specialist trained staff handle disclosures. This could also create a smoother pathway to justice and emergency housing support.
4. Landlord Protections
Landlords, unfortunately are generally perceived poorly by the greater Irish public. This also means that good landlords are sometimes put in the same box as bad landlords.
Well-meaning landlords should not be left exposed to claims made in bad-faith. Protections should include:
- Due process rights equal to those of any accused.
- Insurance covering legal costs if found innocent.
- Access to legal aid in situations where small landlords could not otherwise afford defence.
5. Tenant Supports
No victim should be punished with homelessness for coming forward.
Survivors who report exploitation should have some kind of guaranteed immediate alternative housing, through refuge spaces for example. If there isn’t room to leave, then the landlord cannot force them out until a suitable alternative has been arranged.
If not, the fear of eviction will keep victims silent and leave predators unchallenged.
7. A Government That Must Stop Talking and Start Acting
The Irish Examiner rightly notes that the current Dáil has become synonymous with inaction. Two previous attempts to outlaw sex-for-rent have failed. And a third attempt is being made in parliament in 2025.
So now we wait.
